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Marking Their Own Homework: The Pragmatic and Moral Legitimacy of Industry Self-Regulation. When is 1985 industry self-regulation (ISR) a legitimate form of governance? In principle, ISR can serve the interests of participating companies, regulators and other stakeholders. However, in practice, empirical evidence shows that ISR schemes often under-perform, leading to criticism that such schemes are tantamount to firms marking their own homework. In response, this paper explains how current management theory on delivery ISR has failed to street v mountford separate the elizabethan, pragmatic legitimacy of ISR based on self-interested calculations, from moral legitimacy based on normative approval. The paper traces three families of management theory on ISR and uses these to map the pragmatic and moral legitimacy of ISR schemes. It identifies tensions between the pragmatic and moral legitimacy of ISR schemes, which the street v mountford, current ISR literature does not address, and draws implications for the future theory and analogue definition practice of ISR.
Industry self-regulation (ISR) is widely used in contemporary global governance to provide public goods such as a cleaner natural environment, stable financial systems or ethical supply chains (Braithwaite 2008 ; Delmas and Young 2009 ). Defined as the voluntary association of firms to control their collective behaviour (King and Lenox 2000 ), ISR schemes have been used to regulate issues from food labelling to privacy, from living wages to environmental accounting standards, and v mountford from pollution to Internet pornography. Proponents have argued that ISR can achieve public policy objectives at six dimensions of health lower cost than government regulation because regulatory decisions are made by those with the best information and expertise to make them (Coglianese and Mendelson 2010 ; Gunningham and Rees 1997 ). ISR can help improve social efficiency, that is, allocate resources to their best available uses across society (Maxwell et al. 2000 ). ISR can also incentivize firms to improve their social performance in v mountford 1985 areas such as the natural environment (Berchicci and Warfare: King 2008 ), or labour standards in supply chains (Locke 2013 ; Lin-Hi and Blumberg 2016 ). Despite theoretical and street practical enthusiasm for on International For Standardization: ISR, questions remain about its legitimacy. V Mountford! Mounting empirical evidence suggests that all too often industry-led schemes do not lead to positive social benefits or fix the problems that they are designed to solve (King et al. 2012 ). Recent scandals on mislabelled horsemeat in food supply chains, privacy in the self-regulated newspaper industry, and pet planet the fatal collapse of the BSCI-certified Rana Plaza factory in Bangladesh have fed popular scepticism that ISR is tantamount to firms “marking their own homework”. However, as many teachers know, when done well, asking students to mark their own homework can not only be efficient from the teacher’s point of view, but also encourage students to learn from each other and to street v mountford 1985 reflect on their own performance. Marking their own homework may be a route to easy A grades, or may be a legitimate way to devolve responsibility, depending on the consequences, procedures and structures around the marking process. Current ISR theory cannot yet tell the difference.
This paper has been inspired by the apparent mismatch between the promise and performance of ISR schemes. It maps what we know about the legitimacy of ISR schemes from management theory, shows where previous research from different traditions has focused, and uses this to explore blind spots, tensions and pet planet future directions on the legitimacy of ISR. Explaining how and v mountford 1985 why the Economic, evaluation of ISR schemes differs so much between theorists is a vital step towards improving the performance of ISR schemes in practice. Focusing on the legitimacy of ISR also offers theoretical insight into broader legitimacy theory in contexts where powerful agents both design and v mountford subsequently participate in a governance scheme. Management research from within strategic, institutional and critical traditions, has each offered a wide range of assumptions and empirical explanations of ISR. However, evaluations of whether ISR schemes are legitimate have so far been lacking in this largely descriptive management theory. If legitimacy is signal considered at street v mountford all, management theory usually focuses on pragmatic legitimacy , that is, on “the self-interested calculations of an Essay Global Crisis organization’s immediate audiences” (Suchman 1995 : 578). Current management theory has paid less attention to street v mountford 1985 moral legitimacy , that is, a normative evaluation of whether ISR participation is “the right thing to do” (Suchman 1995 : 579). This paper builds on Guerrilla The Vietnam War Essay Suchman’s ( 1995 ) framework and separates the pragmatic legitimacy of ISR based on self-interested calculations, from moral legitimacy based on normative approval.
While all three management theory traditions have emphasized pragmatic legitimacy, too little consideration has so far been given to street moral legitimacy. Elizabethan Mask! The paper enriches theory on the moral legitimacy of ISR by mapping Suchman’s ( 1995 ) three bases for moral legitimacy—consequential, procedural and structural legitimacy—against management theory traditions. Mapping debates in this way is useful because previous studies within each of the management traditions have tended to implicitly assume which aspect of street v mountford moral legitimacy is delivery most important based on the worldview of the analyst, rather than the details of the empirical context. This paper draws all three theoretical strands together for the first time and provides a springboard to street v mountford 1985 examine tensions and blind spots on the legitimacy of six dimensions of health ISR. The paper concludes with elaborating directions for future research on ISR, legitimacy theory and ISR in practice. Management Theories of Industry Self-Regulation. Industry self-regulation is the voluntary association of firms to control their collective behaviour (King and Lenox 2000 ). ISR is “a regulatory process whereby an v mountford 1985 industry-level, as opposed to a governmental- or firm-level, organization… sets and enforces rules and standards relating to the conduct of firms in the industry” (Gupta and Warfare: Lad 1983 : 417). Management scholars have theorized ISR participation from three main perspectives: strategic, institutional and critical perspectives, each of which is v mountford briefly introduced in this section. The different perspectives illustrate how various theorists have understood ISR schemes, which has implications for whether and how the schemes are seen as successful and legitimate.
Strategic Management Perspectives. First, within strategic management theory, ISR is described as a solution to at least one of two strategic problems: information asymmetry and common pool resources (King and Toffel 2009 ). Elizabethan! Outsiders are unable to directly observe a firm’s social performance. Managers overcome this information asymmetry by participating in ISR schemes to signal their firm’s social performance. ISR schemes in industries such as toy manufacturing (Lin-Hi and Blumberg 2016 ), cut flowers (Prado 2013 ), sustainable agriculture (Blackman and Rivera 2011 ) or coffee (Reinecke et al. 2012 ) enable firms to signal their social or environmental quality. Common pool resources, on the other hand, require firms to collaborate to protect a shared resource such as the industry’s reputation, access to physical assets or supply chain resilience (Prakash and Potoski 2006 ; Barnett and King 2008 ). Strategic perspectives emphasize that ISR schemes are often led by v mountford, dominant firms that have the greatest interest in addressing the problem as with Nike or Walmart’s leadership in Guerrilla Warfare: The Vietnam collective efforts to v mountford 1985 eliminate sweatshop labour from definition supply chains (O’Rourke 2003 ; Locke et al. 2007 ). In contrast, institutional theory emphasizes the role of institutions in shaping collective actions on social or environmental issues (Ostrom 1990 ; Hoffman 1999 ). Industries can self-regulate because of 1985 legal ambiguity, or because stakeholders demand social performance that is higher than current regulatory requirements (Edelman et al. 1991 ; Gunningham and pet planet delivery Rees 1997 ). For example, Zietsma and Lawrence’s ( 2010 ) study of the v mountford, evolution of decisions on harvesting practices in the British Columbia forest industry showed how managers actively participated in creating, maintaining and disrupting industry collective actions.
ISR can also co-evolve with other institutions. For example, Lee ( 2009 ) showed how industry-led initiatives interacted with local and Essay national policy content changes on certifying organic food. Institutional perspectives explain ISR as a way for managers to maintain conformance with regulative, cognitive and normative requirements in the institutional environment (Hoffman 1999 ; Matten and street v mountford 1985 Moon 2008 ). A third tradition, critical management theory, explains ISR as “first and analogue signal definition foremost about control” (Jermier et al. 2006 , p. 627). Critical theorists focus on the discourses around proposed solutions to social problems, and the roles that these discourses play in protecting corporate privilege and power (Banerjee 2008 ). Managers use ISR to maintain control over the rhetoric around social issues through generating and maintaining symbols such as certifications, logos, social reports and street 1985 partnerships. Boiral ( 2013 ), for example, theorized sustainability reports certified to The Vietnam the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) A or A+ standard as “signs and images employed to control social representations” (p. 1037). Critical theorists highlight the fundamentally political nature of ISR, emphasizing the power and relational position of those who can influence the rules of the game (Levy 2008 ; Moog et al. Street V Mountford! 2015 ). Signal! A political approach emphasizes the v mountford 1985, fundamental imbalance between the size and power of global firms and the capacity and/or willingness of governments to pet planet delivery adequately regulate them, leading to the need for industry-led schemes to fill a governance gap (Vogel 2010 ). The Legitimacy of Industry Self-Regulation.
Management theorists from all three perspectives have provided rich description and empirical results on the drivers, forms and consequences of ISR. However, amid accusations that firms and managers are marking their own homework, more research attention is required on the legitimacy of ISR schemes. Legitimacy is a “generalized perception or assumption that the actions of an entity are desirable, proper, or appropriate within some socially constructed system of norms, values, beliefs and v mountford 1985 definitions” (Suchman 1995 : 574). Focusing on legitimacy reveals the delivery, extent to 1985 which ISR schemes and elizabethan mask their participants are conforming to social norms and expectations, including whether ISR is an appropriate response to v mountford 1985 social challenges. The concept of legitimacy originates in institutional theory, which suggests that managers adopt new practices to be perceived as socially acceptable and appropriate rather than basing their decisions on pet planet rational efficiency criteria (Meyer and Rowan 1977 ). However, both strategic and critical management theory also use variants of legitimacy. Strategic management theory tends to emphasize the extent to which the v mountford, approval of various stakeholder groups influences firms’ social strategy (e.g. Darnall et al. 2009 ; Kassinis and Vafeas 2006 ). In contrast, the about, critical approach delves more deeply into the processes by which firms seek and earn legitimacy through their social disclosures and actions (e.g.
Crane 2000 ; Fineman and street v mountford 1985 Clarke 1996 ). Numerous typologies of legitimacy have been proposed in on International 9000 the literature (see Bitektine 2011 for a review), but the most widely used is Suchman’s ( 1995 ) distinction between pragmatic and moral legitimacy. Pragmatic legitimacy is street v mountford based on the self-interested calculations of an organization’s immediate audiences, whereas moral legitimacy is a broader normative evaluation of social appropriateness. Suchman’s original categorization also included cognitive legitimacy, based on taken-for-grantedness. However, cognitive legitimacy is less useful in evaluating ISR because of the lack of stable and shared assumptions about about Economic, industry’s role in governance (Baur and Palazzo 2011 ). Cognitive legitimacy is deeper than, and follows, moral legitimacy (Elms and Phillips 2009 ). Since new forms of governance such as ISR are not yet sufficiently taken-for-granted to be able to evaluate cognitive legitimacy (Koppell 2008 ), this paper focuses on v mountford pragmatic and moral legitimacy. Others have applied Suchman’s distinction between pragmatic and moral legitimacy in related contexts such as implementing codes of ethics (Long and Driscoll 2008 ), social enterprise (Dart 2004 ), NGOs as partners of industry (Baur and Palazzo 2011 ), or of regulatory regimes (Black 2008 ). Some prior studies have also examined whether particular ISR schemes have pragmatic and moral legitimacy, as in the case of Schepers’ ( 2010 ) and Guerrilla War Essay Cashore’s ( 2002 ) evaluations of the Forest Stewardship Council. 1985! However, so far the literature lacks a thorough analytic review of the pragmatic and moral legitimacy of ISR. Six Dimensions Of Health! Such an analysis is street v mountford much needed because different management theories of ISR imply different bases for legitimacy, and so provide different answers on when ISR is an appropriate form of six dimensions governance. Street V Mountford 1985! The next section reviews the pragmatic legitimacy of ISR from each management theory tradition to Guerrilla War Essay provide a foundation for further analysis.
The Pragmatic Legitimacy of street v mountford Industry Self-Regulation. Pragmatic legitimacy of industry self-regulation. Maintain the ability to respond to social issues on the firm’s own terms. Meeting stakeholder expectations flexibly and at lower cost. (Majumdar and Marcus 2001 ; Coglianese and Nash 2001 ) Maintaining agency to For Standardization: ISO respond to institutional pressures. (Gunningham and Rees 1997 ; Hoffman 1999 ; Zietsma and street Lawrence 2010 ) Exerting control over rhetoric and resources. (Raynolds et al.
2007 ; Gereffi et al. 2001 ; Moog et al. 2015 ) Position firm to gain positive social evaluations from other stakeholders for social performance. Signalling quality or behaviour. (King et al. 2005 ; Aravind and Christmann 2011 ) Meeting stakeholder expectations. (Jiang and Bansal 2003 ; Boiral 2007 ) Demonstrating prestige and status. (Fuller and mask Tian 2006 ; Boiral 2013 ) Advantages increase with the number or esteem of street v mountford 1985 members in an ISR scheme. Reputation commons and mask club theory. (Barnett and King 2008 ; Prakash and Potoski 2006 ) Institutions shape collective actions.
(Ostrom 1990 ; Delmas and Montes-Sancho 2010 ) Authority of high-status actors to street 1985 set norms. (Levy and Egan 2003 ; Renard 2005 ) Learn how to cope with social concerns where there is uncertainty about definition, social issues firms face and how to deal with them. Learning as a competitively valuable capability. Mimetic isomorphism and shared norms. (Braithwaite 2008 ; Matten and Moon 2008 ; Haack et al. 2012 ) Diffusing shared rhetoric. (Green 2004 ; Christensen et al. 2013 ) Works cited are illustrative only.
Where examples of strict industry self-regulation could not be found, examples are from the related contexts of self-regulation by individual firms or multi-stakeholder partnerships. The first set of benefits for ISR participants is to maintain the ability to respond to social issues on their own terms. Street V Mountford! For example, in 1999 companies collaborated through the US Better Business Bureau to mask introduce BBBOnline, a self-assessed and industry-monitored online privacy seal in an attempt to pre-empt and shape a new set of laws on Internet privacy introduced in the USA in 2001 (Haufler 2001 ). Strategic management theory explains that firms may use ISR to v mountford 1985 strategically pre-empt costly sanctions or requirements from governments, NGOs, consumer groups or other stakeholders (Majumdar and Marcus 2001 ; Fleckinger and Guerrilla The Vietnam Glachant 2011 ). Institutional theories describe ISR as a strategic response to institutional pressures, where managers try to v mountford 1985 retain agency within the constraints of Economic Crisis actual or potential regulatory control (Oliver 1991 ; Hoffman 1999 ; Wijen 2014 ). Street V Mountford! A critical perspective focuses on how industry incumbents use their privileged economic and political position to delivery maintain control not only street v mountford 1985, of the governance but also of the rhetoric around social issues (Jermier et al. 2006 ). About Global Crisis! Bartley ( 2005 ), for example, showed how the US apparel industry succeeded in v mountford replacing a discourse of legal compliance with one based on Essay Economic compliance to voluntary industry codes in response to rising stakeholder concerns about 1985, sweatshop labour. This enabled firms to maintain control over compliance through participating in the Fair Labor Association (FLA) to six dimensions certify labour standards. Street! Thus, all three management theories recognize ISR as a way for firms to retain strategic control over about Global aligning their own interests with other stakeholders, which is crucial for street 1985 gaining pragmatic legitimacy. Firms also gain private benefits from ISR through earning or maintaining a sound reputation on social issues. Strategic perspectives emphasize that firms attempt to signal quality or behaviour through ISR participation to gain access to strategically valuable resources (Aravind and Warfare: Christmann 2011 ; King et al. 2005 ). Institutional perspectives focus on the extent to which firms are seen to be behaving according to v mountford 1985 stakeholder expectations (Jiang and Bansal 2003 ; Delmas and delivery Toffel 2008 ). Critical scholars emphasize status and the extent to which firms are seen to be performing social responsibility (Fuller and v mountford 1985 Tian 2006 ; Boiral 2013 ). All three perspectives suggest that ISR can provide pragmatic legitimacy through symbolic participation in elizabethan mask ISR schemes. Network effects are present when the street v mountford, value to the next incremental adopter depends on the number of others who have already adopted.
Evidence on War Essay ecolabels for green buildings, forestry and the apparel industry suggests that the higher the rate of adoption, the more an ISR scheme is recognized as a credible signal of environmental quality, and the higher the benefit of adoption to the next incremental adopter (Bartley 2003 ; Chan et al. 2009 ). ISR schemes can also be seen as “green clubs” (Prakash and Potoski 2006 ) that protect an industry’s common reputation (King et al. Street 1985! 2002 ). These schemes can help develop the collective reputation, resources, staff, networks and expertise that lower the cost to individual firms of of health participation and are particularly successful in “small worlds” such as forestry (Conroy 2007 ) or the Chinese toy manufacturing industry (Lin-Hi and Blumberg 2016 ) where all the major players know each other. Institutional perspectives emphasize that is it safer for firms in uncertain and v mountford contested social environments to adopt a recognized scheme than to be left outside (DiMaggio and Powell 1983 ). Warfare: The Vietnam War Essay! The higher the ratio of certified to non-certified firms in 1985 a local ISR scheme, the elizabethan mask, more likely are new entrants to participate to signal their similarity (Husted et al. 2016 ). A more critical perspective asks how ISR regimes gain the authority to 1985 govern particular social issues (Cashore 2002 ), highlighting the importance of high-status political actors in encouraging others to about Global Crisis participate (Levy and Egan 2003 ). As Renard ( 2005 ) demonstrated in the context of fair trade labelling, networks can be vital to encouraging widespread participation in an ISR scheme, but can also further embed existing power structures within an industry. To the extent that ISR schemes offer safety in street 1985 numbers, participation can help earn pragmatic legitimacy from an organization’s immediate audiences. Finally, firms participate in ISR schemes as a way to learn in an uncertain environment. They can learn about pet planet delivery, their own organizational capacity to address social issues and how to meet stakeholder expectations more effectively (Banerjee 1998 ). Participation in a scheme can facilitate the transfer of best practices and increase communication and information sharing between members through direct contact (Kraatz 1998 ; King and street 1985 Lenox 2000 ). Schemes can encourage indirect learning as they attract boundary spanners such as consultancy firms and auditors who help spread credible information from of health one firm to another, lowering informational costs (Delmas 2002 ; Jahn et al. 2005 ). Institutional theorists emphasize that managers also learn through observing others and street conforming to Global Crisis shared local norms.
ISR schemes can serve as templates that are easily adopted by newcomers. Through interacting within the scheme, managers are made more aware of social needs and information spreads more quickly (Marquis et al. 2007 ). Focusing on street v mountford the rhetoric of ISR, critical theorists also ask how managers learn to talk about social issues and Essay on International 9000 solutions (Green 2004 ). V Mountford 1985! Even weak ISR can serve as “aspirational talk”, and the beginnings of a learning process (Christensen et al. 2013 ), offering the possibility of aligning interests and gaining pragmatic legitimacy over time. Private Benefits and analogue definition Pragmatic Legitimacy of ISR.
ISR schemes earn pragmatic legitimacy as participants persuade their stakeholders of the 1985, scheme’s usefulness. This section has outlined four private benefits revealed in pet planet prior ISR research that support interest alignment and pragmatic legitimacy of ISR. Although different management theory perspectives have analysed ISR based on v mountford 1985 widely divergent assumptions, each has touched upon the core private benefits of strategic control, reputation, network benefits and learning. Analysts in the strategic management tradition have tended to approach the benefits of participation from a narrow, enlightened self-interest perspective, and so have most clearly articulated the private benefits of ISR. In contrast, while critical management theories have mentioned the private benefits of ISR participation, this has normally been in the context of normative disapproval.
ISR participation may secure control over rhetoric and resources (Raynolds et al. 2007 ; Gereffi et al. 2001 ) or reinforce the authority of Essay about Global Economic high-status actors to set norms (Renard 2005 ). However, while ISR schemes may offer private benefits and pragmatic legitimacy from the organization’s most proximate audiences, schemes may still not be in street 1985 the overall public interest (Vogel 2008 ). Analogue Definition! Indeed, whether ISR participation contributes to the broader public good is an under-explored question in management theory. Street! Pragmatic legitimacy alone is not an pet planet delivery adequate basis for evaluating legitimacy since it only takes account of transactional interest alignment with immediate audiences. Since ISR schemes are socially embedded within a system of 1985 norms, their appropriateness needs to be evaluated in the broader frame of six dimensions moral legitimacy.
The next section develops this by applying Suchman’s ( 1995 ) typology of moral legitimacy to the ISR context to evaluate the moral legitimacy of ISR schemes. The Moral Legitimacy of Industry Self-Regulation. Moral legitimacy asks whether a particular action, practice, scheme or organization is “the right thing to do” (Suchman 1995 : 579). It differs fundamentally from street pragmatic legitimacy because it focuses on the ethical foundations of an organization or activity (Mele and Armengou 2015 ), and the reciprocal responsibility norms generated between an organization and its stakeholders (Elms and Phillips 2009 ). Assessing moral legitimacy requires looking beyond pragmatic evaluations based on interest alignment, to elizabethan a broader public perspective on street 1985 the normative appropriateness of on International Organization For Standardization: ISR. In his original review, Suchman identifies three alternative bases for moral legitimacy—consequential, procedural and structural.
Moral legitimacy can be evaluated according to what organizations accomplish (consequential), whether they exhibit socially accepted techniques and processes (procedural) and/or whether they look like the right organization for the job (structural). Moral legitimacy of industry self-regulation. Short-term, direct, measurable effects. (Rivera 2002 ; Blackman and street v mountford 1985 Rivera 2011 ) Short-term behaviour change; longer-term field reconfiguration. (Hoffman 1999 ; Haack et al. 2012 ) Social, symbolic and material outcomes. Long-term and diffuse effects. (Boiral 2013 ; Christensen et al.
2013 ) Credible performance signal. Monitoring and sanctions for non-compliance. (Lenox and Nash 2003 ; Darnall and Carmin 2005 ; Aravind Christmann 2011 ) Stakeholder disclosure and scrutiny, including regulators. Codification of norms. (Wijen 2014 ; Terlaak 2007 ; Short and Toffel 2010 ) Ambition of pet planet delivery performance levels. Transparency and street 1985 accountability. Relationship to state.
Fit with competitive and regulatory context. Demonstrates socially acceptable values and norms. Consistent with regulatory demands within field. (Locke, Rissing and six dimensions Pal 2013 ; Lee 2009 ) Authoritative emblems and discourses. Nested within governance networks. (Cashore 2002 ; Gilbert and Rasche 2007 ) Consequential legitimacy focuses on the outcomes of ISR. This approach derives from a rationalist view that “organizations should be judged by what they accomplish” (Suchman 1995 : 580). Surprisingly little academic research has focused on the material outcomes of ISR schemes (King et al.
2012 ), and street 1985 existing evidence on the outcomes of ISR schemes is mixed at best. Six Dimensions! Famous examples of ISR schemes that are generally assumed to improve participating firms’ social or environmental performance over time include the chemical industry’s Responsible Care Program (King and Lenox 2000 ), the Equator Principles for responsible project finance (Haack et al. 2012 ), the street v mountford, Forest Stewardship Council’s certification scheme (Moore et al. Essay Organization For Standardization: ISO 9000! 2012 ) and v mountford 1985 ISO 14001 (Prakash and pet planet delivery Potoski 2006 ). However, each of these has also been questioned in street v mountford 1985 terms of their effectiveness and consequential legitimacy (see, for example, Schepers 2010 ; Boiral 2007 ). Empirical studies show that the elizabethan, environmental performance of participating firms in the US chemical industry’s Responsible Care, the ISO 14001 standard and street 1985 sustainable agriculture certification is no better and in some cases is worse than that of Essay Organization For Standardization: ISO 9000 non-participants (Russo and street v mountford 1985 Harrison 2005 ; Blackman and Rivera 2011 ; Gamper-Rabindran and Finger 2013 ). The consequences of ISR schemes are notoriously difficult to definition define and measure. Indeed, one of the problems in evaluating ISR effectiveness is the different ideologically driven perspectives on ISR effectiveness from whose perspective, over what time period and as compared to what (Gupta and Lad 1983 ). Past studies have assessed the consequences of ISR schemes by examining the v mountford, extent to analogue signal which schemes fulfil the functional or governance functions they were designed to street serve (Hahn and Pinkse 2014 ; Wijen 2014 ), whether they encourage participation (Prado and Woodside 2015 ; Schuler and Christmann 2011 ), whether they trigger pro-social behaviour change in participating firms (Terlaak 2007 ; Schuler and Christmann 2011 ), whether they improve allocative efficiency (Maxwell et al. 2000 ; Fleckinger and Glachant 2011 ) and ultimately whether they deliver material improvements in the social domains they are designed to address (Blackman and Rivera 2011 ; Darnall and Sides 2008 ; Aravind and Essay For Standardization: ISO Christmann 2011 ). Theorists have known that evaluating ISR effectiveness is controversial for a long time, but focusing on the different management perspectives brings shape to v mountford the debate. Each management perspective tends to emphasize different aspects of consequential legitimacy, leading to arbitrary emphases on some measures and not others based on the worldview of the analogue signal definition, analyst, rather than the details of the phenomenon. Strategic perspectives on ISR tend to street v mountford evaluate the consequences of ISR by firm-level outcomes (see Table 2 ). This includes whether participation in ISR schemes generates private benefits to the firm such as the ability to charge higher prices (Rivera 2002 ), or improves firm-level social or environmental performance (Blackman and Rivera 2011 ). Warfare: War Essay! Given the focus on the firm level, strategic perspectives tend to street emphasize short-term, direct and measurable effects of ISR participation. In contrast, institutional perspectives consider not only behaviour changes by individual social actors within a field (Terlaak 2007 ), but also the longer-term field reconfiguration as an ISR scheme becomes institutionalized (Hofman 1999 ; Haack et al.
2012 ). Critical perspectives examine longer-term and diffuse effects of ISR schemes, including how ISR alters symbolic representations of reality (Boiral 2013 ) and delivery the overall governance within a policy domain (Renard 2005 ). Thus, consequential legitimacy has been a significant concern within each of the v mountford, management theory perspectives, but in fundamentally different, and sometimes incompatible, ways. Since it is so difficult to evaluate the consequences of ISR, for whom and when, an alternative is to instead rely on evaluating the design of the schemes. Suchman’s procedural legitimacy reflects the of health, extent to which organizations embrace socially accepted methods and processes. In the absence of unambiguous evidence that an street 1985 ISR scheme has positive outcomes, firms instead demonstrate “sound practices [which] may serve to demonstrate that the organization is making a good-faith effort to achieve valued, albeit invisible, ends” (Suchman 1995 : 580). In the Guerrilla Warfare: The Vietnam War Essay, case of street v mountford 1985 ISR, the procedural legitimacy of the scheme’s methods and processes is Global Economic Crisis usually demonstrated through stringency of ISR design. Schemes with strong monitoring, third-party auditing, government involvement and highly codified processes are usually assumed to provide the most procedural legitimacy (Delmas and Terlaak 2001 ; Christmann and Taylor 2006 ; Darnall and Sides 2008 ; Short and Toffel 2010 ). Street V Mountford! However, stringent ISR design is neither uni-dimensional nor unambiguously clearly socially beneficial.
ISR regimes vary along any of several different procedural dimensions. For example, Kolk and Van Tulder ( 2002 ) noticed that codes of conduct on child labour from US companies were both more tightly formulated and more loosely monitored than codes from analogue European companies. Despite some exceptions, the various and sometimes contradictory dimensions of stringency are not usually recognized in v mountford 1985 the literature. This has led to ISR theorists from different traditions focusing on different aspects of stringency, and to Economic talking past each other. Different management theory traditions tend to emphasize different dimensions of procedural legitimacy and downplay others, regardless of whether this is the most salient in any given circumstance. Strategic perspectives usually prioritize monitoring and sanctions as a way to limit information asymmetry and free-riding (Lenox and Nash 2003 ; Darnall and Carmin 2005 ). In contrast, institutional perspectives emphasize codification and the flexibility provided by ambiguous norms in self-regulation (Edelman 1992 ; Wijen 2014 ), or interactions with the broader institutional context (Gunningham and Rees 1997 ; Lee 2009 ; Short and Toffel 2010 ). Critical perspectives often question the ambition or transparency of street ISR schemes (Cashore 2002 ; Gilbert and Rasche 2007 ; Moog et al.
2015 ) and the potential for ISR to Guerrilla Warfare: The Vietnam pre-empt stricter government regulation through altering power relations and diminishing the street v mountford 1985, role of the state (Renard 2005 ; Jermier et al. 2006 ). Six Dimensions! Thus, each tradition has a distinctive, but usually implicit view on which aspects of procedural legitimacy are most useful in evaluating the moral legitimacy of v mountford 1985 ISR schemes, with no one tradition addressing all aspects of procedural legitimacy. Structural legitimacy asks whether an ISR scheme is “the right organization for analogue the job” (Suchman 1995 : 581). 1985! Structural legitimacy is six dimensions of health less about consequences and v mountford 1985 procedural actions, and Essay on International 9000 more about the v mountford 1985, structural appearance of an ISR scheme and its place within the broader governance system. Structural legitimacy is based on displays that the organizational form is appropriate.
However, as Suchman put it, “this sense of rightness has more to do with emblems of organizational identity than with demonstrations of organizational competence” (p. Analogue Definition! 581). Of the three bases of moral legitimacy, structural legitimacy has been least explored in ISR management theory. Street 1985! However, as with the other forms of moral legitimacy, different traditions emphasize different aspects of structural legitimacy. From a strategic perspective, structural legitimacy is about the Guerrilla The Vietnam War Essay, fit between a firm’s ISR strategy and its competitive and regulatory environment (Rivera 2002 ). In addition to such coercive fit, institutional approaches assess whether ISR schemes are consistent with the street v mountford, values and norms within a field.
Credentials such as ISO certificates can serve as “organizational degrees” (Boiral 2012 ), or useful objects to signal credibility (Delmas and Montes-Sancho 2011 ). A more constructivist view emphasizes how ISR schemes themselves serve as a way of narrating new standards for on International Organization For Standardization: social or environmental performance (Haack et al. 2012 ). Critical perspectives claim that ISR schemes can serve as “organized exhibitions of authority” that demonstrate social appropriateness but without any real connection to improving firms’ social performance (Bowen 2014 ; Boiral 2013 ). Management Theories of ISR and v mountford Moral Legitimacy. The three management theory perspectives have evolved separately over the last two decades, resulting in on International Organization ISO 9000 parallel ISR literature talking past each other. V Mountford 1985! Even when theorists from the different traditions examine the Guerrilla The Vietnam War Essay, same ISR scheme, they can come to different conclusions about the v mountford 1985, scheme’s moral legitimacy by prioritizing a consequential, procedural or structural approach. For example, consider the moral legitimacy of the American Chemistry Council’s Responsible Care Scheme, established back in 1988. Taking a strategic perspective, Gamper-Rabindran and Finger ( 2013 ) evaluated the Warfare: War Essay, consequential legitimacy of the Responsible Care scheme by focusing on the environmental performance outcomes of street v mountford participating compared with non-participating firms. They found that participating firms actually increased their toxicity-weighted pollution compared with statistically equivalent non-participating firms, questioning the scheme’s consequential legitimacy. Gunningham’s ( 1995 ) institutional perspective focused on Responsible Care’s codes of practice and community engagement processes as adopted in Australia, arguing based on procedural legitimacy that it is elizabethan “the most significant and far-reaching self-regulatory scheme ever adopted in Australia, or arguably, elsewhere” (p.
61). In contrast, critical perspectives emphasize symbolic importance of Responsible Care as a response to the 1984 disaster that killed some 2500 people at the Union Carbide subsidiary in Bhopal, India (Gereffi et al. 1985! 2001 ). The chemical industry needed to take steps to elizabethan regain public acceptance after Bhopal, and “a code of conduct, a certificate, even literally a ‘symbol’, was necessary to communicate those steps” (Matten 2003 : 224). Critical theorists explain this as an attempt by the chemical industry to maintain the structural legitimacy of the street v mountford, prevailing regulatory system and Responsible Care within it. Table 2 summarizes how moral legitimacy is of health evident within each perspective. Each theoretical tradition holds different implicit assumptions about the bases for moral legitimacy, although individual authors within each perspective do not usually make this explicit.
Mapping the bases for moral legitimacy across different perspectives reveals blind spots in ISR research within each tradition so far. V Mountford! For example, within the strategic management perspective with its focus on the comparative analysis of different outcomes in analogue definition different circumstances, there has been inadequate attention to street evaluating the long-term, indirect and social consequences of ISR schemes (King et al. 2012 ). In contrast, while critical perspectives may raise valid concerns about the pet planet delivery, ambition or authority of non-state actors on social issues, they may also underplay the extent to which ISR schemes can lead to positive longer-term field reconfiguration (Haack et al. 2012 ). Tensions Between Pragmatic and Moral Legitimacy. This paper has so far treated pragmatic and moral legitimacy separately.
However, the pragmatic legitimacy that can provide the basis for a social licence to operate is v mountford not the same as the more stable moral legitimacy based on six dimensions of health ethical principles (Mele and Armengou 2015 ) and reciprocal responsibility (Elms and street Phillips 2009 ). Of Health! Each of the bases of pragmatic legitimacy outlined above—strategic control, reputation, network effects and learning—can interact with moral legitimacy. This section identifies tensions between pragmatic and moral legitimacy, and the management theory perspectives in which the street, tensions are based. This is useful to identify blind spots and to generate routes forward for future theory and practical evaluations of ISR. Strategic Control and Moral Legitimacy. Many ISR schemes offer participants options to decide whether to participate, and if so, how.
For example, ISR schemes may contain different levels of Essay Economic required performance so that participating firms can maximize their private benefits from joining. Discretionary schemes can offer the strategic control needed for v mountford managers to respond to Guerrilla Warfare: The Vietnam stakeholder demands for social improvement, but to do so on their own terms. However, pragmatic legitimacy based on strategic control can have a dark side. The strategic goal of ISR participation can be to limit the need to change behaviour, either in advance of regulation or later when the industry’s preferred approach may be subsequently adopted as a new regulatory standard (Ogus 1995 ; Fleckinger and Glachant 2011 ). The critical view also emphasizes regulatory capture and the potential for discretionary ISR schemes to manipulate or subvert stakeholder expectations without changes in firm behaviour (Banerjee 2008 ). Thus, while ISR schemes that offer strategic control can generate the flexibility needed to v mountford 1985 achieve pragmatic legitimacy, it can also threaten the consequential legitimacy of an ISR scheme. Take for example the on International Organization ISO, US Green Building Council’s (USGBC) LEED standards, the leading green building standards in the USA. This points-based rating system certifies buildings as platinum, gold, silver or certified LEED green buildings. These may appear at first glance to be impartial endorsements of v mountford 1985 builders’ green performance. But a more critical look reveals that key industry players were heavily involved in the authorship of the schemes, which has largely displaced the more rigorous standards that were originally proposed (Parker 2009 ). The USGBC is Essay Global Economic often mistaken to be a government agency, but was originally a coalition of builders, consultants and property developers who realized that they needed to respond to stakeholder demands for greener buildings. They designed a flexible scheme that offered firms control over which technologies to implement to earn a green building label and therefore meet the pragmatic legitimacy expectations of their immediate stakeholders. This flexibility encouraged builders to strategically target the street 1985, cheapest and least environmentally impactful building features, or to target the lowest acceptable tier of LEED certification, which offers very little material improvement to the environment from the about Global Economic Crisis, building (Corbett and Muthulingam 2007 ).
The LEED standards illustrate a broader tension between pragmatic and moral legitimacy. ISR schemes can help participants maintain strategic control, but in street 1985 order for this to be effective, participants’ interests must somehow dominate those of other stakeholders. Thus, strategic control may be incompatible with the co-created, reciprocal responsibility that Elms and Phillips ( 2009 ) identify as the foundation of moral legitimacy. This raises the serious question of elizabethan mask whether ISR schemes that offer strategic control can also have moral legitimacy. Seeking reputation is a pragmatic motivation for establishing product-level certification schemes such as organic food or fair trade product labels, as well as company-level reporting and disclosure schemes. However, evidence on certification schemes suggests that they are not widely effective in improving firms’ social or environmental performance (King et al. Street 1985! 2012 ). Six Dimensions Of Health! This lack of street v mountford effectiveness is at least partly because ISR schemes designed to confer reputation often emphasize persuasion to six dimensions confer pragmatic legitimacy rather than the co-creation of norms and actions required for moral responsibility. The institutional perspective explains how managers may get caught up in larger structural pressures that require them to street implement, measure, monitor and elizabethan report on social performance (Bromley and Powell 2012 ). Managers may participate in ISR schemes because they have been swept up in ratings or rankings systems that evaluate their reputation (Chatterji and Toffel 2010 ). Signing up to an ISR scheme can help signal engagement with social or environmental issues. But certification schemes can also gloss over complexities in the behaviours and practices needed to generate better social outcomes (Wijen 2014 ). ISR schemes that provide reputation and street 1985 pragmatic interest alignment can hide considerable ambiguity on how the Warfare: The Vietnam, scheme is put into practice and whether it is the right organization for the job.
Consider the example of CarbonNeutral ® certification. Achieving certification is intended to help firms stand out from their competition and provide a “clear sign” that they are leading the way on climate change (Carbon Neutral Company 2016 ), that is, to offer pragmatic reputational benefits. To join this ISR scheme, participating firms need to meet a set of highly codified criteria that are outlined in a “Carbon Neutral Protocol” (Carbon Neutral Company 2013 ). Prospective members must commit to v mountford 1985 five steps to Essay ISO achieve certification: definition, measurement, set target, reduce emissions and communicate. Crucially, the “reduce emissions” stage differs from other definitions of carbon neutrality (Department of Energy and Climate Change 2009 ) because it allows all reductions to be made though offsetting and does not require individual firms to change their own internal emissions behaviours. Emphasizing the street, reputational benefits of joining an signal definition ISR scheme can lead to highlighting pragmatic and persuasive legitimacy rather than consequential actions.
Microsoft explained its adoption of the street v mountford 1985, CarbonNeutral ® certificate because it found that it could not meet its previous 2009 commitment to reduce relative carbon emissions by 30% by 2012. Microsoft’s new cloud computing business model was driving gross carbon emissions up, so in order to protect its environmental reputation the firm opted for the pragmatic legitimacy of Essay about Global achieving certification rather than the consequential legitimacy of actually reducing its own internal emissions (Microsoft 2012 ). Certification schemes such as this illustrate the tension in ISR between the pragmatic legitimacy gained through persuasion and the moral legitimacy of consequential changes in behaviours and performance. Network Effects and Moral Legitimacy. Some ISR schemes offer economies in membership, or collective shelter from institutional pressures by following the example of dominant firms in the field. This is v mountford 1985 particularly common when firms’ reputations are interdependent (Prakash and Potoski 2006 ; Barnett and King 2008 ). On the plus side, ISR schemes designed to harness pragmatic legitimacy through network effects can lead to positive spillover and definition multiply positive impacts. For example, Reich et al. ( 2005 ) identified spillover effects from the voluntary adoption of a living wage, as other workers not directly covered by v mountford 1985, the scheme also experienced some increase in their level of pay.
In the UK, Wills and Linneker ( 2012 ) showed how participating in mask the Living Wage Foundation’s voluntary living wage scheme led to spillover benefits in related social domains such as improvements in health and v mountford 1985 well-being, improved family life, reduced welfare benefit costs and local positive externalities from better paid residents. ISR schemes with network benefits, such as the Living Wage Foundation, can trigger social multiplier effects if they are actively connected with complementary institutions, increasing their outcome effectiveness even further (Pollin et al. 2002 ; Freeman 2005 ). Extensive cross-monitoring and signal dialogue can lead to networked legitimacy, where the street, ISR scheme draws together a nexus of interests and pet planet delivery each participant gains its own pragmatic legitimacy (Mele and Schepers 2013 ). However, this positive interaction between network effects and consequential legitimacy crucially depends on whether participants do actually improve their social performance. Critical theorists describe how network effects can support shared discourses and street v mountford 1985 industry-led schemes that consolidate the power of large corporations without altering corporate behaviour (Banerjee 2008 ; Bowen 2014 ). Network benefits can promote the deliberately low standards of powerful incumbents (Raynolds et al. 2007 ). These firms may have strong incentives to about Global embed low standards as acceptable norms of street corporate behaviour (Dunlap and McCright 2011 ). Doing so may award ISR schemes pragmatic legitimacy from their immediate audiences, but threaten the six dimensions, development of responsible norms as a foundation for moral legitimacy. These challenges can be seen in comparing two ISRs in sustainable forestry: the FSC and SFI. Forestry companies face a shared reputational risk from environmental NGOs who cannot tell if their undifferentiated wood products are environmentally damaging (Bartley 2003 ; Winn et al. 2008 ). Both the FSC and v mountford SFI are voluntary ISR programmes that were initiated at the industry level: by the US forestry industry in the case of SFI, and by socially concerned retailers in the case of FSC (Cashore 2002 ). In the early days of six dimensions of health sustainable forestry certification, the US forestry industry actively resisted the FSC’s more ambitious standards, preferring instead to start their own lighter touch, SFI scheme in order to attract more participants (Coglianese and Nash 2001 ; Meidinger 2006 ). The US forestry industry adopted the less ambitious SFI scheme, and the more ambitious FSC scheme failed to street take off in the USA as it did in Canada, the UK and other countries (Cashore 2002 ; Conroy 2007 ). The lower environmental standards required within SFI compared with FSC became entrenched as the SFI standard spread.
Worse, because forestry certification is interlinked with other schemes, such as for green buildings, this consequential legitimacy loss spilled over into other US industries when the USGBC controversially decided to award LEED points for using SFI-certified wood in their buildings. In this example, responsibility norms were co-created by analogue, scheme participants and their surrounding stakeholders. However, the performance level for SFI was established at a lower performance level than for FSC. More generally, the moral legitimacy of ISR schemes with potent network effects crucially depends on the ethical foundations of the emerging shared norms (Mele and v mountford Armengou 2015 ). Without firm ethical foundations, networked ISR schemes may be awarded pragmatic legitimacy by six dimensions of health, their immediate audiences, but lack deeper moral legitimacy. ISR schemes vary in v mountford their potential scope for learning opportunities and the extent to of health which these learning exchanges are actually realized (Coglianese and Nash 2001 ). ISR can provide spaces for experimentation and innovative solutions to social problems, leading to opportunities for wider learning, conversation and interest alignment between participating firms and v mountford their immediate audiences.
ISR schemes designed for learning can improve both pragmatic and consequential legitimacy. For example, firms were more likely to change their waste management practices when managers said they joined EPA’s awareness-raising WasteWise programme to promote their relations with the EPA and to learn about six dimensions of health, waste (Delmas and Keller 2005 ). Similarly, Locke’s ( 2013 ) study of labour standards in apparel, electronics and metalworking supply chains showed the potential of learning through sharing best practices and capability-building in ISR to provide cleaner and street 1985 safer workplaces for elizabethan workers than other scheme designs. ISR on street 1985 labour standards in global supply chains has helped managers incorporate and learn from the voices of traditionally excluded groups of workers such as women export workers (Pearson and elizabethan mask Seyfang 2001 ) and has also stimulated learning among activists about street v mountford, what worked in affecting change in previous campaigns (Freeman 2005 ). However, as with network effects, the consequential legitimacy of ISR schemes designed for learning depends on what is learned and shared within the scheme. Outcomes depend on the performance of the leading firms and Essay Organization ISO the expectations they share with later joiners.
The primary motivation to participate may be to learn how to avoid, deflect or pre-empt more ambitious regulatory requirements (Ogus 1995 ), or to co-opt or deflect stakeholder interests (Parker 2002 ; Raynolds et al. 2007 ). Street! All four of the ISR schemes examined by Lenox and Nash ( 2003 ) in the chemical, textile and pulp and six dimensions paper industries were designed with sharing mechanisms such as industry newsletters, annual conferences and member meetings. These were intended to help participants learn to manage the uncertainty surrounding new environmental demands. V Mountford! However, in most of the schemes, the performance bar was not sufficiently ambitious to offer learning to new members on reducing pollution. Similarly, Lin-Hi and Blumberg ( 2016 ) emphasized the learning potential from schemes such as the Business Social Compliance Initiative (BSCI), which focuses on learning and analogue definition capacity building to improve working conditions in global supply chains. However, two of the street, factories in the Rana Plaza building in Bangladesh that collapsed in 2013 were participants in the BSCI. Learning within the BSCI scheme did not extend to assessing the safety or regulatory compliance of the physical buildings, or to empowering local workers to act when they identified cracks in the building before the collapse (Gross 2013 ). Opportunities to learn about facility safety were lost because of weak performance standards in the scheme (Chao 2013 ). As with network effects above, the moral legitimacy of ISR depends not only on interactions and six dimensions of health learning with stakeholders, but also on street the ethical content of what is learned. Moral legitimacy requires the War Essay, learning to have firm ethical foundations (Mele and v mountford Armengou 2015 ). However, these ethical foundations can become unmoored from the ISR scheme if participants do not place adequate emphasis on what and how they are learning from ISR schemes. This section addressed each of the elizabethan mask, bases of pragmatic legitimacy in turn and used past ISR research from all three management theory perspectives to explore potential tensions with moral legitimacy.
Focusing on tensions between pragmatic and moral responsibility offers several implications for ISR research. First, with respect to strategic control, the street, balance of evidence considered here seriously questions the consequential legitimacy of Warfare: The Vietnam discretionary ISR schemes. V Mountford! Rather like students marking their own homework, it is tempting for signal definition managers to award themselves the easy points but without truly engaging with fundamental changes in their activities. This is even the v mountford, case in performance-based ISR schemes such as the USGBC’s LEED building standards. Delivery! Future research should pay more attention to street the specific outcomes of flexible ISR schemes, particularly ISR schemes that offer choices on mask a range of performance standards. Second, the current ISR literature challenges the 1985, consequential legitimacy of certification schemes that offer reputational benefits. Certification-based ISR schemes often provide pragmatic legitimacy from firms’ immediate audiences as they reassure stakeholders that firms are taking their social obligations seriously. Within the broader social context, such emblems and credentials can offer structural legitimacy that an definition industry-led scheme is the right form of organization to v mountford 1985 address a social challenge.
However, increased structural legitimacy from reputation-enhancing ISR schemes is often decoupled from the scheme’s outcomes. Thus, future research should further investigate the structural conditions of ISR schemes and their outcomes. Finally, for ISR schemes that offer network and learning effects, the pragmatic reasons to participate can multiply the delivery, positive outcomes of an ISR scheme. This is an under-explored area in empirical studies and offers new optimism that there may actually be learning and relational benefits in firms marking their own homework. The current ISR literature is inconclusive about whether these network and learning effects are positive or negative, since ISR outcomes depend on what is learned and shared within ISR. More research is v mountford 1985 needed on formally modelling learning effects and network spillover in ISR. A particularly exciting frontier for about modelling might be when self-regulatory mechanisms interact, as in the case of the street, SFI sustainable forest products scheme and six dimensions the USGBC’s LEED green building standards. So far, serious empirical treatments of the consequential legitimacy of overlapping, networked ISR schemes is lacking from the academic literature.
The wide range of street 1985 ISR schemes now operating provides an Essay on International For Standardization: ISO 9000 opportunity for future empirical research to explore these ideas both within and 1985 across industry sectors. In principle, ISR can provide flexible and innovative social improvements at lower cost than direct state regulation (Coglianese and six dimensions Mendelson 2010 ; Gunningham and v mountford Rees 1997 ). However, mixed empirical evidence and some high-profile ISR failures have fed scepticism that ISR allows firms to mark their own homework. Although marking their own homework may not be unambiguously bad, current ISR theory cannot explain when or why this may be case, as it has not fully examined the legitimacy of ISR. While legitimacy theory clearly separates the pragmatic legitimacy of gaining a social licence to delivery operate from a deeper, more stable moral legitimacy (Suchman 1995 ; Mele and Armengou 2015 ), ISR research has been slow to recognize this distinction. In response, this paper mapped what we know about the street v mountford 1985, legitimacy of ISR from management theory, clearly separated pragmatic from moral legitimacy, and used this distinction to expose tensions and future directions on the legitimacy of ISR. This paper offers extensions to analogue signal definition three strands within ISR theory. First, it provides integration across different theoretical perspectives within current management theory of 1985 ISR. It derives an integrated approach drawing on strategic, institutional and critical management perspectives. Pulling these perspectives into a single analysis is a significant contribution because previous management scholarship has been fragmented and context specific. Strategic, institutional and critical management theories of ISR have evolved in parallel, as have scholarly communities that focus on analogue definition particular content domains such as firms’ impacts on street the natural environment, labour standards, ethical trading or diversity practices. This paper leverages and integrates across these parallel studies and offers the elizabethan, broader view needed to explore the street v mountford, biases, blind spots and boundary conditions of delivery ISR.
Second, this paper moves beyond the largely descriptive analyses of street ISR in the current literature to examine the normative legitimacy of Organization For Standardization: 9000 ISR. The framework contributes to ISR management theory by moving beyond the private benefits that provide pragmatic legitimacy to street ISR schemes to examine the more ethical foundations and shared responsibility norms that underly moral responsibility. Elizabethan Mask! The framework derived in Table 2 can guide a comprehensive evaluation of moral legitimacy based on the details of street v mountford a particular ISR scheme, rather than implicitly assuming which aspect of moral legitimacy is most important as has been so common in management theories of ISR. Moral legitimacy can be evaluated according to delivery what organizations accomplish (consequential), whether they exhibit socially accepted techniques and processes (procedural) and/or whether they look like the right organization for the job (structural). Focusing on different types of legitimacy gives different answers about the moral legitimacy of ISR schemes. 1985! Very stringent schemes can give procedural legitimacy, but this does not necessarily mean that they will have good outcomes (i.e. Warfare: The Vietnam! consequential legitimacy). Similarly, a well-functioning scheme with positive overall social benefits can lose legitimacy if it does not somehow signal appropriate emblems or credentials to maintain structural legitimacy. Previous research has been hampered by blinkered approaches from street v mountford within particular management traditions. This paper offers an Guerrilla Warfare: War Essay integrative view of moral legitimacy of v mountford 1985 ISR based on the different bases of moral legitimacy, rather than the implied theoretical worldview of the analyst. Finally, the paper contributes to a burgeoning literature on Warfare: The Vietnam War Essay the pragmatic and v mountford 1985 moral legitimacy of other phenomena such as codes of of health ethics (Long and Driscoll 2008 ), social enterprise (Dart 2004 ), NGOs as partners of industry (Baur and Palazzo 2011 ), regulatory regimes (Black 2008 ) or controversial projects (Mele and Armengou 2015 ). This literature recognizes that pragmatic legitimacy and street v mountford moral legitimacy do not always go together. The extension made in this paper is to specifically examine three tensions between pragmatic and moral legitimacy in the ISR context.
First, ISR schemes that offer pragmatic legitimacy through strategic control may be incompatible with the co-created, reciprocal responsibility required for moral legitimacy. Participants in ISR schemes cannot simultaneously dominate and Essay on International Organization ISO 9000 responsibly reciprocate with stakeholders, leading to serious questions about whether ISR schemes that offer strategic control can also have moral legitimacy. V Mountford! Second, ISR schemes that offer reputational benefits rely on gaining pragmatic legitimacy through persuasion, which can become decoupled from Essay about Global consequential changes in behaviours. Focusing on the exchange and transactional aspects of reputation can help gain pragmatic legitimacy, but disconnect schemes from deeper, reciprocal moral legitimacy. Third, the street v mountford 1985, moral legitimacy of ISR schemes with potent network or learning effects crucially depends on the ethical foundations of the scheme. Ethically weak ISR schemes will lack moral legitimacy regardless of how many firms join or how much participants share learning within the scheme. Focusing on ISR has opened up some new frontiers in research on the interactions between pragmatic and moral legitimacy. Essay On International! ISR is street 1985 unusual in that firms play a dual role in influencing the design of ISR schemes and then deciding whether and how to participate. To the The Vietnam War Essay, extent that firms can influence the design of ISR schemes, there is the street, potential for six dimensions firms to deliberately design schemes to maximize pragmatic legitimacy. 1985! For example, ISR schemes could be designed to emphasize strategic control (as in performance-based ISR schemes such as LEED), or to emphasize reputation (as in certification schemes). These design choices can ultimately influence the analogue signal, moral legitimacy of the v mountford 1985, scheme in action.
It is delivery possible that the tensions between pragmatic and moral legitimacy identified in this paper are a consequence of this dual role in ISR. This analysis challenges legitimacy theorists to street assess whether these tensions between pragmatic and moral legitimacy are unique to circumstances where organizations both design and participate in governance schemes or are generalizable to other contexts beyond ISR. This paper was partly motivated by the mismatch between the promise and elizabethan performance of ISR schemes, and a desire to better evaluate ISR schemes in practice. Table 2 generates a wide variety of normative considerations in assessing the appropriateness of ISR schemes that takes evaluation of ISR schemes far beyond simple cost–benefit logic. Scheme participants and stakeholders can use Table 2 to generate a systematic set of questions to evaluate the legitimacy of specific ISR schemes. From a consequential legitimacy point of view, questions focus on the outcomes of the street, scheme: what are the outcomes for participating firms, non-participants and other interested stakeholders?
What are the direct and indirect outcomes over the short and long term? Questions of procedural legitimacy include whether inclusion criteria are sufficiently ambitious to set new standards, whether the scheme is sufficiently codified to Crisis shape action and to what extent non-compliant participants are sanctioned. Structural legitimacy questions ask about the extent to which the authority of the street v mountford, ISR scheme is formally recognized within the relevant country or industry, whether the ISR scheme reflects acceptable values for its social context and Essay about whether and how the 1985, form of the ISR conveys that firms are performing their proper social function. Essay Global Economic Crisis! Systematic questions beyond simple short-term cost–benefit analysis have the potential to street 1985 identify and develop relatively more socially beneficial ISR schemes in the future, and ultimately to improve ISR schemes in practice. The primary limitation of this analysis is on International For Standardization: that it is v mountford based on an analytic review of past research from a sprawling range of traditions and substantive policy domains. A formal, systematic review could have been a useful way to generate a more comprehensive, unbiased and transparent literature review. However, a systematic review would also have had to be necessarily limited to particular policy domains or contexts or sets of journals (that is, theoretical tradition) to formally limit the scope of the review.
By adopting a more analytic approach, this analysis linked up insights on ISR that would not usually show up in a narrower key word search. It did not offer the replicable and more structured findings of a systematic review, but instead served as a conversation starter based on an analytical overview of elizabethan a wide span of literature. This paper is also limited in that it did not attempt to empirically explore, verify or test key insights. Street V Mountford 1985! Future research on the structural conditions of ISR schemes and their outcomes is particularly needed, and Essay about Economic Crisis is now increasingly possible because of the very large number of schemes that could be compared. For example, the International Trade Centre lists over v mountford 210 voluntary standards operating in over 200 countries, many of which would meet the definition, definition of ISR used in this paper (see www.standardsmap.org ). Similarly, www.ecolabelindex.com lists over 450 ecolabels across 25 industry sectors.
Empirical researchers might collate existing evidence on the effectiveness of these standards or ecolabels and develop preliminary tests and categorizations on street v mountford 1985 which ones have the most learning or network potential, and how they rank on the various dimensions of consequential, procedural or structural legitimacy. As data availability improves, empirical researchers will be able to conduct more complete systematic reviews and even meta-analyses of the legitimacy of ISR in the future. This paper examined the legitimacy of ISR in response to The Vietnam mixed empirical evidence and accusations that firms are using ISR schemes to “mark their own homework”. It explained how current management theory on ISR has failed to separate pragmatic legitimacy of ISR schemes based on private benefits, from moral legitimacy based on reciprocal responsibilities, a firm ethical foundation and normative approval. Mapping the literature has revealed tensions between pragmatic and 1985 moral legitimacy, and generated implications for theory on ISR and on legitimacy. Future ISR research should examine the full range of moral legitimacy questions about ISR. Only then can ISR achieve its full potential as a fully legitimate mode of governance in the contemporary economic system. The work was funded by the UK’s Economic and definition Social Research Council (ESRC: ES/K007440/1). Compliance with Ethical Standards. The author declares that they have no conflict of interest.
This article does not contain any studies with human participants or animals performed by any of the authors. Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in street 1985 any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and Global Economic indicate if changes were made. Frances Bowen 1 Email author 1. School of Business and Management Queen Mary University of street 1985 London London UK. .RIS Papers Reference Manager RefWorks Zotero. .BIB BibTeX JabRef Mendeley. .RIS Papers Reference Manager RefWorks Zotero.
.BIB BibTeX JabRef Mendeley. Over 10 million scientific documents at elizabethan your fingertips. 2017 Springer International Publishing AG. Part of Springer Nature.
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50 Free Microsoft Word Resume Templates for Download. Microsoft Word resume templates are the most frequently used tool in the job hunting. It also happens to be the most pivotal tool of job seekers. Street 1985? Resumes can be drafted using almost any word processor or graphic design or even web design software. But word processors are preferred in almost all scenarios.
And Microsoft Word is the clear winner among word processors. Delivery? So everybody seeks for Microsoft Word resume templates. One good thing about word resume templates is that they can be important in almost all of the famous word processors, such as OpenOffice and others. It can be frustrating having to v mountford create your resume. That is because resumes are the first impression that will be made on mask your possible future employer.
They introduce you, even before you introduce yourself. So it is clear that your resume has to be absolutely up to the mark. V Mountford 1985? For that, you don#8217;t only need good content but also good layout and design. These well formatted resumes will make writing a much easier task verses starting from 9000 scratch. V Mountford 1985? It’s important to have your resume stand out from the job competition. These resume templates outline occupation skills and job experiences so an employer can see, at a glance, how you can contribute to Organization ISO 9000 the their company. If you follow the link by clicking the title above, you will find 7 beautiful Word resume templates. Below I’m sharing two of my favorites.
Standard free CV Templates with a Flow Short design as the main graphical element for the template for you to download for street 1985 free. This download contains multiple resume templates for Microsoft Word, including a general resume and a student resume. The resumes are designed using both a table format and an outline format. They can be used to create chronological or functional resumes. Each template provides structure, examples and tips so that you don#8217;t have to start from scratch when creating your resume. When writing your resume, remember to mask follow the street v mountford 1985, #8220;5 C#8217;s of Crisis Resume Writing#8221;: Be convincing, concise, clear, consistent, and clean.
This is an unconventionally modern design. I think it is ideal for 1985 professionals of ISO all industries that related to communication such as designing, writing, social media management, brand identity, marketing and similar other jobs. This Microsoft word template has the best use of typography. I have never seen a resume template use typography so beautifully. This is another one of those modern kind of design.
These days, two-columned resumes are pretty trendy because they can contain loads of content on a single page. This resume template reminds me of old WordPress. So if you are a web developer, you might want to use this one. Many Shades of Every Free CV Template for Microsoft Word. You can use there free word CV resume templates for all your personal and professional needs. Download them by street v mountford, clicking on the download links on the page, and open the downloaded file in your favorite writing software and The Vietnam, modify it to reflect your own career profile. This website offers almost a dozen free word resume templates. I’m listing two of street v mountford 1985 my favorites, you can check out the Guerrilla The Vietnam War Essay, rest by going to the link. This is a unique resume template.
It has that star rating system that enables to describe your expertise level in street v mountford various kinds of Guerrilla Warfare: The Vietnam skills in street v mountford a very effective, yet quick way. Elizabethan Mask? This is a classic themed resume design that can ever hardly fail to impress the interviewer. V Mountford? This design shows that you are a serious professional. The good thing about such designs is that they put a lot of emphasis on your content and six dimensions of health, nothing else. This is quite a congested design that contains loads and loads of data one page. You should only use this template if you have loads to say about you but you wanna keep your resume to one page.
Note: in design industry, congested resumes are not popular. Street 1985? So if you are a designer, I#8217;d suggest you don#8217;t use this template. As the name suggest, this resume is designed for analogue definition people with a lot of experience to show. Street? This is Guerrilla The Vietnam War Essay a congested resume design, it will not look beautiful if some parts are left empty. This is a beautiful classic themed template. I love this design but I just have one problem, I feel that this template is not that memorable . Otherwise, it is one of v mountford my favorites in this collection. Elizabethan? This simple and free Word template is v mountford included in this list not because of its design but because of what the concept and Essay about Economic, structure of a comprehensive CV should be. In fact, the street v mountford, chronological resume template is the most traditional resume format.
Employers prefer this resume template so try to use it even if it means you have to iron out a few problems such as unemployment in your work history. Word Resume Templates from Microsoft. These are resume templates designed by none other than Microsoft itself. These are resume templates made by analogue signal, Microsoft itself. You can download these .dotx files and use them as templates in Microsoft word. You can open this file like any other routine .doc file in street 1985 Word.
Set of 3 pages for a free word resume template for the entry level. This is a resume designed for newcomers. Essay Crisis? The entry level guys who are starting their career. Another set of 3 pages for a free word resume template . This resume is street v mountford designed for intermediate level professionals, containing three different aspects of pages. Six Dimensions? Convey your work experience to a potential employer with this blue line design template which features your work experience in chronological order. Emphasize your education with this formal resume template that includes an street artfully designed header and a Quick Parts menu to add a photo to your resume. A modern resume template with an Warfare: The Vietnam War Essay attractive color scheme and an indented resume body; includes a Quick Parts menu to select a header with or without a photo.
A basic resume template with an oversized font and a shadowed border; includes a Quick Parts menu to add a photo to your resume. In this resume template your contact information is printed down the right side of the street, page, inscribed in of health white text against an orange column. This basic resume template has a serene color scheme and includes a Quick Parts menu to select a header with or without photo. This resume template is framed by a light gray border and v mountford, highlights your work experience; includes a Quick Parts menu to select a header with or without photo. This resume template has a trio-colored header, is framed with a black border and includes a Quick Parts menu to Essay For Standardization: ISO add a photo to street your resume. Microsoft Word Templates#8230; not exactly resumes. These are Microsoft Word templates that are handy but they are not exactly resume templates. Accompany your unsolicited resume with this job application letter template which lists your strengths and conveys your desire to Crisis work. Employees wishing to recommend a friend or colleague for a job with your company can use this form template to submit the candidate#8217;s resume to the Human Resources department or hiring manager. Customize the template to 1985 match your company#8217;s referral program policies. Use this functional resume format to highlight your career accomplishments when applying for a position within the same company.
The template lists accomplishments, professional experience, skills, and education. Use this cover letter template to respond to about Global Economic Crisis job ads that request a salary requirement; includes a detailed job history and 1985, a range of pet planet delivery lowest to highest salary. Street V Mountford 1985? Online Microsoft Word has a self sufficient and very simple mechanism to build a comprehensive resume for free in itself. This site explains this procedure before you. I have shared a couple of cover letter templates in this collection, but do you know what makes a cover letter great? If you wanna to learn the art of writing a killer cover letter then check out my guide for writing impressive cover letters.
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castro essay 911 by Michael Sokolov. On September 11, 2001, I got up early in the morning as usual and went to work. V Mountford. As I do not drive and use public transportation, I had to get up very early to get to delivery, work on time and would normally finish my sleep on the bus. That day as I was sitting on the bus half-awake as usual, I was overhearing the driver and some passenger sitting upfront talk about some plane crashes. Street V Mountford. My sleepy mind took no particular notice of elizabethan mask, that: OK, some plane crashed somewhere, so what.
Planes crash all the time. No big deal. I arrived at work uneventfully, went up the stairs to my office saying “Hi!” to people on the way, unlocked the door, got in and plopped into my armchair to street, wake up for real for another day of software engineering. Bruce, a hardware engineer I was working with, passed through the hall with his usual big coffee mug. He stopped by my office, saying: “A busy day!” As this was early morning, I assumed that it had to Essay Global Economic, refer to the day before, which was somewhat busy, and I said, “what, yesterday?” Bruce replied, “no, today.” At that point I recalled the conversation I overheard on the bus about some plane crashes and asked him if this is what he was talking about. He answered affirmatively. He said, “The World Trade Center has been destroyed.” My response was almost a kneejerk: “Cool!” Bruce continued, “ The Pentagon has also been damaged.” I was excited, replying “that’s even better!” My (natural) reaction to the 9/11 events got me some not-very-nice words from my coworkers and my boss, although fortunately no discipline.
Obviously my view of the 9/11 events was totally different from that held by Americans. So what was the real cause of the 9/11 events? Was it, as I naturally assumed, the result of Lord Anu ( Sitchin 89 ), or perhaps even Mother Earth herself, finally revolting against this malignant tumor called America, and striking down the evil towers? Or was it, as most Americans think, the work of some nasty terrorists who hated freedom and democracy? Or was it something far more sinister? As I will show in this essay, the evidence indicates that the real events that happened on 9/11 were much dirtier than either side (the Americans or the Arabs and others) ever suspected. The first problem with the theory that the street 1985 9/11 events were caused by haters of freedom and democracy is the choice of targets. Six Dimensions Of Health. Since when have the World Trade Center and the Pentagon stood for street 1985, freedom and democracy ? The World Trade Center was universally understood as a facility and a symbol of about Economic Crisis, global capitalism that America and other imperialist powers now impose on the world. And since when has capitalism equaled freedom and v mountford, democracy?
Capitalism stands for things like starvation, evictions, profits before people, patents before patients, and assault on Essay Economic, the environment. What does it have to street 1985, do with freedom? And the Pentagon , what does that stand for? The people in the Balkans, in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as in Guerrilla The Vietnam Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Grenada, Panama, Colombia, and Lebanon ( Marrs 8) know what the Pentagon stands for: it stands for the bombs falling on their heads, and their killed or severely injured families. Again the connection between the Pentagon’s worldwide genocide and freedom and street v mountford, democracy is difficult to trace at best.
I kept hearing how the whole world was shocked by these events, and couldn’t help but think that the world ought to be in joy rather than in shock: the hated towers of transnational corporate criminal outfits and banksters came down, and after bombing the rest of the world for half a century the elizabethan Pentagon finally learned how it feels to be on the receiving end of the stick. An unnamed random person in the streets of Moscow asked by Russian TV what he thought about the 9/11 events in the USA answered it best: “I’m sorry for street, the people who died, but not sorry for America.” So is this really what happened on of health, September 11, 2001? Was this a just and long-overdue strikeback by the people of the Earth against a cancerous tumor called America that was slowly eating away at Mother Earth? While this is the most obvious and logical explanation, it leaves some questions unanswered , thus compelling us to examine other possibilities. The first thing that calls questions is the destruction of the World Trade Center . While the image of the v mountford plane hitting the tower followed by that tower collapsing was breathtaking and mask, fantastic, after the initial excited emotions subside, the hard technical question remains: how exactly did it happen ? Soon after the event and after the official explanation was given, a number of people have started questions. The first critical analysis of the event to come to my attention was the article posted on the Internet by J. McMichael titled the Bare Bones of the WTC Incident . Street. It is elizabethan mask so thought-provoking that I must quote it almost entirely: Here are the bare facts of the WTC incident:
North tower struck 8:45, collapsed 10:29; South tower struck 9:03, collapsed 9:50. Using jet fuel to street v mountford, melt steel is an amazing discovery, really. It is also amazing that until now, no one had been able to get it to work, and that proves the terrorists were not stupid people. Ironworkers fool with acetylene torches, bottled oxygen, electric arcs from Economic generators, electric furnaces, and other elaborate tricks, but what did these brilliant terrorists use? Jet fuel, costing maybe 80 cents a gallon on the open market. Let us consider: One plane full of jet fuel hit the north tower at 8:45 AM, and v mountford 1985, the fuel fire burned for a while with bright flames and black smoke. We can see pictures of the smoke and flames shooting from the windows. Then by 9:03 . the flame was mostly gone and only black smoke continued to pour from the of health building. 1985. To my simple mind, that would indicate that the first fire had died down, but something was still burning inefficiently, leaving soot (carbon) in the smoke. A fire with sooty smoke is For Standardization: ISO 9000 either low temperature or starved for 1985, oxygen— or both. But by 10:29 AM, the fire in north tower had accomplished the feat that I find so amazing: It melted the steel supports in elizabethan the building, causing a chain reaction within the structure that brought the building to the ground.
And with less fuel to feed the fire, the south tower collapsed only 47 minutes after the street plane collision, again with complete destruction. This is only half the time it took to For Standardization: ISO, destroy the north tower . I try not to think about that. I try not to think about a petroleum fire burning for 104 minutes, just getting hotter and hotter until it reached 1538 degrees Celsius (2800 Fahrenheit) and melted the steel . I try not to wonder how the fire reached temperatures that only bottled oxygen or forced air can produce . And I try not to think about all the steel that was in that building -- 200,000 tons of it . I try to forget that heating steel is like pouring syrup onto 1985 a plate: you can’t get it to stack up. The heat just flows out to the colder parts of the steel, cooling off the part you are trying to warm up. If you pour it on hard enough and fast enough, you can get the syrup to stack up a little bit. And with very high heat brought on Guerrilla The Vietnam War Essay, very fast, you can heat up the one part of the object, but the heat will quickly spread out and the part will cool off the moment you stop. When the heat source warms the last cool part of the street 1985 object, the The Vietnam heat stops escaping and the point of attention can be warmed. If the north tower collapse was due to heated steel, why did it take 104 minutes to reach the critical temperature? . Am I to believe that the fire burned all that time, getting constantly hotter until it reached melting temperature? Or did it burn hot and steady throughout until 200,000 tons of street 1985, steel were heated molten - on one plane load of analogue signal definition, jet fuel? In my diseased mind, I think of the street v mountford 1985 floors of each tower like a stack of LP (33 1/3 RPM) records, only they were square instead of circular. They were stacked around a central spindle that consisted of multiple steel columns stationed in a square around the 103 elevator shafts.
With this core bearing the weight of the building, the Warfare: The Vietnam platters were tied together and stabilized by another set of steel columns at the outside rim, closely spaced and completely surrounding the structure. The TV experts told us that the joints between the floors and central columns melted (or the floor trusses, or the central columns, or the exterior columns, depending on the expert) and this caused the floor to collapse and v mountford, fall onto the one below. This overloaded the joints for the lower floor, and the two of analogue signal definition, them fell onto the floor below, and so on. Like dominos . Back in the early 1970s when the World Trade Towers were built, the WTC was the tallest building that had ever been built in the history of the world. Street 1985. If we consider the delivery architectural engineers, suppliers, builders, and city inspectors in street v mountford the job, we can imagine they would be very careful to over-build every aspect of the building. ISO 9000. If one bolt was calculated to serve, you can bet that three or four were used. V Mountford. If there was any doubt about the quality of a girder or steel beam, you can be sure it was rejected. I do not know the exact specifications for the WTC , but I know in many trades (and some I’ve worked), a structural member must be physically capable of three times the pet planet delivery maximum load that will ever be required of it ( BreakingStrength = 3 x WorkingStrenghth ). Given that none of those floors was holding a grand piano sale or an elephant convention that day, it is unlikely that any of them were loaded to the maximum. Thus, any of the floors should have been capable of supporting more than its own weight plus the street v mountford two floors above it. I suspect the WTC was engineered for safer margins than the average railroad bridge, and the actual load on each floor was less than 1/6 the BreakingStrength . The platters were constructed of webs of steel trusses. Radial trusses ran from the perimeter of the floor to pet planet, the central columns, and concentric rings of trusses connected the radial trusses, forming a pattern like a spider web . Where the radial trusses connected with the central columns, I imagine the joints looked like the big bolted flanges where girders meet on street 1985, a bridge—inches thick bolts tying the beams into the columns.
The experts tell us that the heat of the fire melted the Essay steel, causing the joints to fail. 1985. In order to weaken those joints, a fire would have to heat the bolts or the flanges to the point where the Warfare: War Essay bolts fell apart or tore through the steel. But here is another thing that gives me problems—all the joints between the platter and the central columns would have to v mountford, be heated at the same rate in order to collapse at the same time—and at the same rate as the joints with the outer rim columns on all sides—else one side of the platter would fall, damaging the floor below and making obvious distortions in Organization For Standardization: 9000 the skin of the building, or throwing the street v mountford top of Warfare: The Vietnam War Essay, tower off balance and to one side. But there were no irregularities in the fall of the main structure of those buildings. They fell almost as perfectly as a deck of cards in the hands of a magician doing an aerial shuffle. This is particularly worrisome since the street 1985 first plane struck one side of the north tower , causing (you would think) a weakening on that side where the exterior columns were struck, and a more intense fire on that side than on the other side. Six Dimensions. And the second plane struck near the v mountford corner of the Essay Organization For Standardization: south tower at an angle that caused much of the fuel to spew out the windows on the adjacent side . Yet the south tower also collapsed in 1985 perfect symmetry, spewing dust in all directions like a Fourth of July sparkler burning to the ground.
I have seen a videotaped rerun of the south tower falling. In that take, the upper floors descend as a complete unit. On International 9000. All the way, the upper-floor unit was canted over as shown on the BBC page, sliding down behind the intervening buildings like a piece of stage scenery. That scene is the most puzzling of v mountford, all. Since the upper floors were not collapsed (the connection between the center columns and For Standardization: 9000, the platters were intact), this assembly would present itself to the lower floors as a platter WITHOUT a central hole. How then would a platter without a hole slide down the spindle with the other platters? Where would the central columns go if they could not penetrate the street upper floors as they fell?
The only model I can find for the situation would be this: If the fire melted the floor joints so that the Essay Global Crisis collapse began from the 60th floor downward, the upper floors would be left hanging in the air, supported only by the central columns. This situation would soon become unstable and the top 40 floors would topple over . much like felling the top 600 ft. from a 1300 ft. tree. Street V Mountford 1985. This model would hold also for the north tower . Guerrilla The Vietnam War Essay. According to Chris Wise ’s “ domino ” doctrine , the collapse began only at the floor with the fire, not at the penthouse. How was it that the upper floor simply disappeared instead of crashing to the earth as a block of thousands of tons of concrete and steel? The amazing thing is street 1985 that no one . even mentions this phenomenon, much less describing the seismic event it must have caused. Where is the ruin where the 200ft x 200ft x 50 story-object struck? Foty [sic] floors should have caused a ray of devastation 500 ft. into the surrounding cityscape. OK, since it was mentioned, I am also upset with the quantity of concrete dust . Warfare: War Essay. No concrete that I have ever known pulverizes like that. It is unnerving. My experience with concrete has shown that it will crumble under stress, but rarely does it just give up the ghost and v mountford, turn to powder.
But look at the pictures—it is truly a fine dust in great billowing clouds spewing a hundred feet from the collapsing tower. I would like to find a pictures of all those platters piled up on Essay on International Organization ISO, each other on the ground, just as they fell -- has anyone seen a picture like that? I am told it was cumulative weight of those platters falling on street, each other that caused the collapse, but I don’t see the platters pilled [sic] up like flapjacks on the ground floor. Dr. Robert Schuller was on Guerrilla The Vietnam, television telling about v mountford 1985 his trip to Guerrilla War Essay, the ruins. He announced in the interview that there was not a single block of concrete in street 1985 that rubble. From the original 425,000 cubic yards of concrete that went into the building, all was dust. How did that happen? I have just one other point I need help with—the steel columns in the center. When the platters fell, those quarter-mile high central steel columns (at least from the ground to the fire) should have been left standing naked and of health, unsupported in the air, and then they should have fallen intact or in sections to the ground below, clobbering hundreds of feet from the WTC site like giant trees falling in the forest. But I haven’t seen any pictures showing those columns standing, falling, or lying on v mountford, the ground.
Nor have I heard of damage caused by them. Now I know those terrorist must have been much better at six dimensions, these things than I am. I would take one look at street v mountford 1985, their kamikaze plans with commercial jets and I would reject it as—spectacular maybe, but not significantly damaging. But if I were a kamikaze terrorist, I would try to hit the towers low in the supports to knock the towers down, maybe trapping the workers with the fire and Warfare: The Vietnam, burning the towers from the 1985 ground up, just as the analogue definition people in last 20 stories were trapped. But you see, those terrorists were so sure the building would magically collapse that way, the pilot who hit the north tower chose a spot just 20 floors from the top.
And the kamikaze for south tower was only slightly lower -- despite a relatively open skyline down to 25 or 30 stories. The terrorists apparently predicted the whole scenario— the fuel fire, the slow weakening of the street structure, and the horrific collapse of the building - phenomena that the six dimensions architects and the NY civil engineering approval committees never dreamed of. Even as you righteously hate those men, you have to street v mountford, admire them for their genius. ( McMichael ) This article made me stop and think. So just how did those two plane collisions make both towers collapse, and not just collapse, but telescope like a deck of cards in a magician’s hands, to use McMichael ’s language? How come such a really miniscule impact was all it took to cause such catastrophic destruction, and how come the falling building parts (like the upper floors or the steel columns McMichael mentions) didn’t trample all over Manhattan? How come the attack appeared like a controlled demolition ? After reading McMichael ’s article I consulted with other engineers in my group, to get a second opinion. Delivery. Engineer Stacy Minkin wrote in response to my inquiry: “books say that despite point of melting for steel is sufficiently high steel cannot sustain high durability when heat reahes [sic] about 800 degrees celcium [sic]” In order words, what Stacy was saying was that it wasn’t necessary to heat the steel to its melting point (1538 deg C), only 1985, 800 deg C would be necessary for it to lose structural strength, allowing for Essay about Global Crisis, the possibility of the towers collapsing in the manner described in the official pronouncements. My dad, also an engineer, and highly skeptical of street v mountford 1985, all conspiracy theories, also told me that the steel did not have to be heated to mask, its melting point.
He also explained how the 1985 jet fuel fire could have produced the six dimensions of health necessary heat. 1985. His theory was that immediately after the impact the fuel poured down the central shaft and six dimensions, burned at the bottom. The extremely strong draft in the “tube” effectively turned it into a blast furnace, easily raising the temperature high enough to melt steel, or at least to heat it to the point of losing structural strength (to 800 deg C according to Stacy Minkin ). Yet there is evidence that the v mountford 1985 “ blast furnace ” scenario proposed by my dad did not actually take place. Jim Marrs wrote: An audiotape of six dimensions, New York firefighters at the scene, unpublicized until mid-2002, indicated that fire officials managed to reach the 78th floor of the south tower - very near the crash scene - and seemed convinced that the fire was controllable.
Two fire officials mentioned by street v mountford 1985, name in of health the tape were Battalion Chief Orio J. V Mountford 1985. Palmer and Fire Marshal Ronald P. Bucca , both of whom perished when the south tower collapsed along with 343 other firefighters. According to the Times article both firemen “showed no panic, no sense that events were racing beyond their control. At that point, the Guerrilla Warfare: building would be standing for street, just a few more minutes, as the Essay on International ISO 9000 fire was weakening the structure on the floors above him. Even so, Chief Palmer could see only two pockets of fire and called for a pair of v mountford 1985, engine companies to fight them. ” As noted by American Free Press reporter Christopher Bollyn , 'The fact that veteran firefighters had a ‘coherent plan for delivery, putting out’ the ‘two pockets of fire,’ indicates they judged the blazes to be manageable. Street. These reports from the elizabethan mask scene of the crash provide crucial evidence debunking the government’s claim that a raging steel-melting inferno led to the tower’s collapse.'” The fact that two firefighters were able to reach 78th floor and 1985, stand there mere minutes before the building collapsed and Guerrilla The Vietnam, see no “inferno” resolutely disproves the “ blast furnace ” hypothesis . Even by street v mountford, the most conservative estimates the temperature necessary to weaken the steel structures of the building had to be higher than 300 deg C at the minimum. Stacy Minkin , who worked on large boiler plants in Uzbekistan , wrote that in boilers the elizabethan temperature of oil or gas flame often reaches 1500 deg C, and steel tubing is cooled to prevent it from getting torn up in precisely the street manner the steel structures of the WTC are presumed to have been torn up. However, the temperature that boiler tubing is cooled down to, according to Stacy , is about 300-400 deg C ( Minkin ). If boiler tubing is routinely kept at pet planet delivery, 300-400 deg C and remains perfectly safe at this temperature, then the temperature needed for steel to lose structural strength must be higher. But even the “low” temperature of 300 deg C is street 1985 extremely high for Warfare: The Vietnam War Essay, humans.
The fact that firefighters were able to work in the doomed building indicates that the temperature there could not have been anywhere near as high. Ergo, the street v mountford 1985 temperature inside the doomed towers could not have been high enough to cause their steel structures to lose strength and break, and the official explanation for the collapse of the towers must be discarded. Having discarded the hypothesis that the elizabethan “ blast furnace ” melted the steel supports causing floors to fall on each other in a domino effect, we are compelled to return to 1985, the notion of controlled demolition . We know, of course, how controlled demolitions are performed: by placing exactly the six dimensions right amount of explosives of exactly the right kind in key structural points and detonating them in a specific precise sequence with precise timing. Not by hitting a tower with a plane or anything else of that nature. As hard as it may be for patriotic Americans to swallow, there exists evidence that the plane impacts on street v mountford 1985, the WTC towers may have only been decoys , while the actual destruction of the towers was caused by about Global Economic, bombs located inside . Many have wondered about the witnesses who claimed to have heard multiple explosions within the buildings. One such witness was the head of WTC security , John O’Neill , who stated shortly before he himself became a victim that he had helped dig out survivors on the 27th floor before the building collapsed. Since the aircraft crashed into the 80th floor, what heavily damaged the 27th floor? Another of those mentioning bombs was Louie Cacchioli , a fifty-one-year-old fireman assigned to Engine 47 in street Harlem.
“We were the six dimensions first ones in street v mountford 1985 the second tower after the plane struck,” recalled Cacchioli . “I was taking firefighters up in the elevator to the twenty-fourth floor to get in position to evacuate workers. Analogue. On the last trip up a bomb went off. We think there were bombs set in the building.” The fireman became trapped in an elevator but managed to escape with the use of tools. Another was survivor Teresa Veliz , manager for a software development company, who was on the 47th floor of the north tower when it was struck. “I got off [the elevator], turned the corner and opened the door to the ladies’ room. I said good morning to a lady sitting at a mirror when the whole building shook. I thought it was an earthquake.
Then I heard those banging noises on the other side of the wall. It sounded like someone had cut the street elevator cables. It just fell and fell and pet planet delivery, fell.” Veliz reached ground level with a coworker when the south tower collapsed, knocking them down. In near total darkness, she and the coworker followed someone with a flashlight. “The flashlight led us into Border’s bookstore, up an escalator and out to Church Street . There were explosions going off everywhere. I was convinced that there were bombs planted all over the place and someone was sitting at a control panel pushing detonator buttons. I was afraid to go down Church Street toward Broadway , but I had to do it. I ended up on Vessy Street . There was another explosion. And another . I didn’t know which way to run.” Steve Evans , a reporter for the BBC , was in the south tower at the time of the attacks.
“I was at the base of the second tower, the second tower that was hit,” he recalled. “There was an explosion - I didn’t think it was an street v mountford 1985 explosion - but the base of the building shook. I felt it shake. then when we were outside, the second explosion and then there was a series of explosions . We can only wonder at the kind of damage - the kind of human damage - which was caused by those explosions , those series of explosions .” Fox 5 News in NYC shortly after 10:00 A.M. on September 11 videotaped a large white cloud of smoke billowing near the base of the south tower . The commentator exclaimed, “There is an Guerrilla Warfare: The Vietnam explosion at the base of the building . white smoke from the bottom. something has happened at the base of the street v mountford building. then, another explosion . Another building in the World Trade Center complex. ” The most compelling testimony came from Tom Elliott , who was already in his office at Aon Corp . on the 103rd floor of the WTC South tower before the of health planes struck. Elliott said he was at street, his computer answering e-mails when a bright light startled him shortly before 9:00 A.M. A rumble shook the building and he could see flames accompanied by elizabethan, dark smoke that appeared to be crawling up the outside of the building. He also felt heat coming through the street 1985 windows. Strangely, there were no alarms. “I don’t know what’s happening, but I think I need to analogue signal definition, be out of here,” Elliott recalled thinking to himself.
Elliott and street, two others began walking down the building’s stairwell when they ran into elizabethan mask a few others. The absence of more people and the lack of alarms made them feel they had prematurely panicked. He recalled that as his small group reached the 70th floor, they heard the announcement that the building was secure and there was no need to evacuate . “Do you want to believe them?” one woman said to Elliott . “Let’s go!” He followed the woman down the stairs. After descending three more floors, Flight 175 crashed into street the south tower . Of Health. An article in the Christian Science Monitor described what happened next: “Although its spectacularly televised impact was above Elliott , at street v mountford, first he and those around him thought an elizabethan explosion had come from below. An incredible sound - he calls it an ‘ exploding sound ’ - shook the building, and a tornado of hot air and smoke and v mountford 1985, ceiling tiles and bits of drywall came flying up the pet planet delivery stairwell.” “In front of me, the wall split from the bottom up,” Elliott said. He said people in the stairwell panicked and tried to street, flee upward until some men pointed out analogue that the only escape was downstairs.
By about 9:40 A.M., Elliott managed to stumble out of the v mountford 1985 south tower and make his way to his roommate’s office in Midtown, where he broke down sobbing upon learning of the tower’s collapse. But the Guerrilla Warfare: The Vietnam War Essay realization that the spectacular collapse of the WTC towers was caused by bombs installed inside the towers beforehand rather than by the plane impacts raises new questions . Supposing for the moment that the presumed terrorists could have planted the bombs, the question becomes, what were the planes for then? Were they a diversion? Jim Marrs quotes Van Romero , vice president for research at the New Mexico Institute of 1985, Mining and Technology and a former director of the Energenic Materials Research and Testing Center , saying, “One of the things terrorist events are noted for is a diversionary attack and secondary device. Attackers detonate an initial, diversionary explosion that attracts emergency personnel to the scene, then detonate a second explosion”
The problem with this hypothesis is its sheer magnitude. Surreptitiously planting a bomb in a building is one thing, hijacking 4 airliners and definition, flying them into buildings is another. While religious fanatics eager to 1985, die in a terrorist act are not that hard to find, ones capable of piloting a large plane with extreme skill on their suicide mission are another matter. While one can imagine some group planning and executing a mission of the millennium, especially given the valiant goal of striking down the world’s most hated symbol of global imperial capitalism (as well as the Pentagon from which the bomb-dropping orders on definition, the rest of the planet issue), planning an executing such a mind-boggling operation merely as a diversion is v mountford unfathomable. I reason that the possibility of Warfare:, this plane hijacking and crashing operation being a mere diversion or distraction from the v mountford 1985 main action on the part of a terrorist group can be completely ruled out. However unfathomable this idea may be to American patriots, there exists only signal, one entity on Earth with enough power and resources that could afford planning and executing the plane hijacking and crashing operation as a mere diversion. Street V Mountford 1985. It is the U.S. government.
To discuss this possibility meaningfully, we must first set aside all sentimental notions the reader may have about the War Essay U.S. government and its supposed pledge to protect the American people. The U.S. government is the worst gang of criminals to ever set foot on street v mountford 1985, the surface of this planet, and pet planet, it is fundamentally hostile to all life on Earth. It is street v mountford fundamentally anti-people, and the people who happen to six dimensions, live inside America itself (“in the street 1985 belly of the beast” as we say) are no different. As just one case of U.S. Signal Definition. government planning terrorist attacks against its own people, consider the v mountford planned Operation Northwoods * in the 1960s. * This document can be downloaded from http://www.archives.gov . Click on “Research Room,” then on “Archival Research Catalog (ARC),” then on six dimensions, the ARC SEARCH button , then type in “Northwoods” in street v mountford 1985 the search box, then click on “ Digital Copy Available ” on entry #1. The key information will be found on images 136 through 142. Jim Marrs writes: Incredibly, forty-year-old government documents thought to have been destroyed long ago recently were made public. They show the elizabethan U.S. military in the early 1960s proposed making terrorist attacks in the United States and blaming them on street, Fidel Castro . Following the ill-fated Bay of signal definition, Pigs invasion of Cuba , President Kennedy , angered by the inept actions of the CIA , had shifted the v mountford 1985 responsibility for Cuba from that agency to six dimensions, the Department of Defense . Here, military strategists considered plans to create terrorist actions that would alarm the street v mountford 1985 American population and Guerrilla Warfare:, stampede them into supporting a military attack on Cuba . Street V Mountford 1985. They also planned to, “ develop a Communist Cuba terror campaign in the Miami area , in other Florida cities and even in Guerrilla The Vietnam Washington” or to “sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated) foster attempts on the lives of Cuban refugees in the United States.” Other highlights of Operation Northwoods included the v mountford 1985 tactics of exploding bombs in pet planet delivery carefully chosen locations along with the release of “ prepared documents ” pointing to Cuban complicity, the street v mountford 1985 use of fake Russian aircraft to about Economic Crisis, harass civilian airliners and 1985, “Hijacking attempts against civil air and surface craft,” even to simulating the shooting down of a civilian airliner.
Could the 9/11 events have indeed been nothing less than U.S. government’s attack on its own facilities , executed under controlled conditions to minimize actual damage to its real interests and designed to “ sell ” to the American people the Orwellian totalitarian regime this country is rapidly moving towards, coupled with sharply increased worldwide aggression, in the name of the of health War on Terrorism , or the street War on Freedom as Jim Marrs has aptly called it? While at first this scenario appears highly unlikely given the Essay Organization For Standardization: ISO choice of targets, the street v mountford center of world capitalism and the command center of the U.S. Essay. military being the U.S. imperialism’s key assets, a more careful examination of the events and the destruction reveals that there is more than meets the eye. On September 15, 2001, only days after 9/11 I attended a meeting of the Los Angeles club of Communist Party USA , of v mountford 1985, which I am a member, which while originally scheduled before 9/11, in pet planet delivery the aftermath of those events became an street v mountford impromptu meeting to six dimensions of health, discuss how our Party members should respond to those events. At that meeting one comrade brought to light a noteworthy fact: as the attack took place early in the morning, none of the World Trade Organization ( WTO ) bosses (the ones rightfully hated by the world for their crimes and street, the ones who should have been killed had the about Global 9/11 attack been a just revolt by the people of the v mountford 1985 Earth) were in at the time , the high bosses as usual being rather relaxed about getting to work on time, while the people who were in the WTC early in the morning, i.e., the signal definition people who were killed, were mostly innocent proletarian workers exploited by the abovementioned bosses, such as custodians and street 1985, restaurant workers. A wide number of sources reporting on the apparent foreknowledge of the 9/11 events by six dimensions of health, certain groups show time and again how those who are truly in street v mountford 1985 power were somehow kept out of harm’s way on that day.
Consider, for example, the purported “worldwide Jewish conspiracy”. Jim Marrs writes: [. Mask. ] a Beirut television station reported that 4,000 Israeli employees of the WTC were absent the day of the v mountford 1985 attack, suggesting foreknowledge of the attacks. [. ] Finally, on pet planet delivery, September 22, the New York Times stated that amazingly only one Israeli was killed when the street v mountford WTC towers collapsed . “There were, in elizabethan mask fact, only three Israelis who had been confirmed as dead: two on street v mountford 1985, the planes and another who had been visiting the towers on Warfare: The Vietnam War Essay, business and who was identified and buried,” reported the Times. And while its facility has been destroyed, the WTO charges right on with its global imperialist agenda. Perhaps one of the goals of the attack was to street v mountford, make the world sympathize with the mask WTO as a victim instead of loudly protesting and denouncing it as the world had been doing right up to street 1985, 9/11. Consider, for example, the analogue definition “ battle in Seattle ” in 1985 1999 (“The real battle for Seattle”). The WTO was really in a hot seat there. But when the hated towers finally came down, everyone suddenly changed course and all upcoming anti-WTO protests were promptly canceled.
And what about the Pentagon? How could the signal definition U.S. government possibly strike against v mountford 1985, the heart of its own military? Well, it has been widely rumored on the Internet that the damage to the Pentagon from the impact of American flight 77 was superficial, just enough to provoke anger and induce the American people to blindly support war, but no real loss. (While I have no room for Essay about Economic Crisis, that discussion in this essay, it is also debated whether it really was American flight 77 that hit the Pentagon , or whether it was something more sinister, such as an experimental drone plane tested by the U.S. military against its own offices.) In conclusion, we can see that one way or the street v mountford 1985 other, by hook or by crook, the Organization For Standardization: 9000 events of 9/11 are in the end the handiwork of the American capitalist shadow government , and we want to put an end to such costly shows, the cancerous tumor on the body of Earth known as the American imperialist superpower must be excised. Marrs, Jim.
War on Freedom . Boyd, TX: Ares Publishing, 2003. Minkin, Stacy. “Re: Bare bones of the WTC incident” E-mail to the author. 20 Nov 2001. Sitchin, Zecharia. The 12th Planet . New York: Avon Books, 1976.